Given the long hours and tough responsibilities at Cabinet agencies, presidents can expect departures among Senate-confirmed leadership. While turnover is expected, high departure rates can pose significant challenges for day-to-day agency operations and long-term planning.
Turnover in the modern context is more troublesome than ever before. Our research shows that Senate confirmation times have grown for each subsequent administration while nomination success rates have progressively declined. This means that, when agency leaders depart, it will take significantly longer to replace them than it did for previous presidents. As a result, many positions remain vacant for extended periods of time.
Using our political appointee tracker and other data sources, we have examined the rates of Senate-confirmed appointee turnover during the four most recent administrations. As we look to personnel changes following the November election—whether it be a second term for the incumbent or a new administration—a retrospective on turnover helps put recent personnel challenges in context.
We analyzed turnover among presidential nominees in major departments and agencies,1 excluding U.S. marshals and attorneys. To make an equivalent comparison with the ongoing Biden administration, we looked at each president’s first term up until April 1 of their fourth year in office.
Administration
Bush
Obama
Trump
Biden
Total Departures
105
73
94
34
Tracked Positions
353
359
385
392
Total Turnover Rate
30%
20%
24%
9%
Note: Data covers Senate-confirmed positions in executive CFO Act agencies, excluding ambassadors, U.S. attorneys and U.S. marshals. The time period covered is from the beginning of the administration through April 1 of the fourth year.
The Bush administration experienced the highest total turnover at 30% during this period of time. Trump and Obama had lower and more comparable turnover rates at 24% and 20%, respectively. Biden experienced significantly less turnover than his predecessors at 9%.
Note: Data includes Senate-confirmed positions excluding ambassadors, U.S. attorneys and U.S. marshals. The time period from the beginning of the administration through April 1 of the fourth year.
Looking closer at these departments by president, the total turnover rates during the Bush and Obama administrations (59% and 30% respectively) were greatly impacted by Treasury Department departures. As for the Department for Veterans Affairs, Bush and Trump received the highest rates of turnover (50% and 33% respectively). The Department of Commerce—despite undergoing some of the highest rates of turnover on average—did not experience any turnover during the Biden administration through this past April. Moreover, there were no departures of Biden appointees during this period at the Environmental Protection Agency, or at the departments of Education and Energy. Similarly, the Trump administration had no turnover of its appointees at the Department of Agriculture despite turnover rates at other departments.
The departments of Transportation and Homeland Security also highlight differences. Trump experienced roughly five times more turnover than previous administrations at DHS (53%), the second highest rate of any other department. As for Biden, the DOT experienced the second highest rate of total turnover so far during his presidency (17%), exceeding two previous administrations but trailing the Bush administration (38%). For context, DHS had an average turnover rate of 21% while DOT’s rate was 20% during the past four administrations. While Trump had more than double the average turnover at DHS, Biden remains below the DOT average.
Note: Data covers Senate-confirmed positions in executive CFO Act agencies, excluding ambassadors, U.S. attorneys and U.S. marshals. The time period covered is from the beginning of the administration through April 1 of the fourth year.
For each administration, turnover peaked during year three with relatively low turnover in other years. Compared to recent presidents, Biden has maintained low turnover, rising only to 6% during his third year. Obama was the next lowest in year three turnover, but the rate was nearly double at 13%. The second year of administrations has had low turnover in general, with the highest turnover occurring during the Trump administration (6%). For all four presidents, the first year had turnover rates at or below 1%.
Recent success during the Biden administration at limiting turnover rates is an important development in light of increasing confirmation delays. Even as turnover appears to have tempered during the current administration, there are greater ramifications for each departure as it becomes more difficult to confirm a replacement.
The challenger candidate in the 2024 election must consider how to staff an entire administration, but even the incumbent candidate must take proactive steps to avoid trends from previous second term presidents to retain leaders in key positions in order to achieve policy goals.
1 As defined by the Chief Financial Officers (CFO) Act of 1990 (Public Law 101–576).
This blog post was authored by Husam AlZubaidy, an associate at the Partnership’s Center for Presidential Transition.
As we celebrate Asian and Pacific Heritage Month, it’s crucial to recognize the significant contributions made by Asian American and Pacific Islander Americans to our federal government. While there has been a notable rise in the representation of Asian American and Pacific Islander Americans in federal government roles in recent years, there remains room for further progress and development.
Many Cabinet agencies have yet to see Asian American and Pacific Islander Americans in high-level roles. Important leaderships positions, such as president, have never been filled by Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. This month, it is important to celebrate the contributions and historic firsts throughout history, knowing there is more progress to be made.
In recognition of May as Asian and Pacific American Heritage Month, here is a list of prominent Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders who have served in the federal government.
Daniel Kahikina Akaka – Senator from Hawaii
Akaka was elected to the House of Representatives in 1976 where he served seven consecutive terms. Akaka became the first U.S. senator of Native Hawaiian ancestry when he was appointed to the Senate in1990. During his long career in public service, he was an advocate for veterans and Native Hawaiian rights. Prior to his time in Congress, Akaka was a high school teacher and vice principal. From 1969 to 1971, he was the chief program planner for the Hawaii Department of Education.
Elaine Chao – Secretary of Labor and Secretary of Transportation
President George W. Bush appointed Chao to be secretary of Labor in 2001, making her the first Asian American woman and first Taiwanese American in U.S. history to be appointed to a Cabinet position. President Donald Trump later appointed Chao to be secretary of Transportation in 2017. Prior to holding those positions, Chao had been a successful businesswoman, the director of the Peace Corps and served in the administrations of Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush.
Tammy Duckworth – Senator from Illinois
Tammy Duckworth was elected to the Senate in 2016 following two terms representing Illinois in the House. of Representatives. Duckworth also served in the Army during the Iraq War and is a Purple Heart recipient. Prior to taking office, she was appointed to assistant secretary of Veterans Affairs by President Barack Obama in 2009.
Mervyn Dymally – Representative from California
Dymally served six terms in the House of Representatives, beginning in1981. His father was from Trinidad and his mother from India, making him the first person of mixed African and Indian descent to serve in Congress. Throughout his time in the House, he was an advocate for human rights and economic development worldwide. Following his retirement from public service, he worked as a foreign affairs consultant for Caribbean, African and Asian interests and was a professor at the Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science.
Hiram Fong – Senator from Hawaii
In 1959, Fong was the first person of Chinese descent elected to Congress and the first Asian Pacific American elected to the Senate, where he served for nearly two decades. In 1964, he was the first Chinese American candidate for the presidency, and he is the only Republican to serve as the senator from Hawaii.
Kamala Harris – Vice President
Harris became the highest-ranking female official in U.S. history when she was elected vice president in 2020. Harris – whose mother was born in India – also became the first Asian American and African American vice president. Harris was the attorney general of California from 2011 to 2017 and a senator from California beginning in 2017.
Mazie Hirono – Senator from Hawaii
Hirono has been a senator from Hawaii since 2013. She was the first Asian American woman elected to the Senate and the first elected female senator from Hawaii. She was elected to the House in 2006. Hirono was born in Japan and was the only person of Asian ancestry serving in the Senate from 2013 until 2017.
Daniel Inouye – Senator from Hawaii
Inouye became the first Japanese American to serve in the House of Representatives in 1959 and the first Japanese American to serve in the Senate in 1962. He did not lose an election in 58 years. Prior to holding office, Inouye served in the Army during World War II and was awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service Cross, the Bronze Star and the Purple Heart with Cluster.
Pramila Jayapal – Representative from Washington
Representing the state of Washington since 2017, Jayapal is the first Indian American to serve in the House. of Representatives. Her work throughout her career has focused on immigration, income inequality and global public health. She is currently a member of the House Judiciary Committee, the House Education and Workforce Committee and is the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.
Gary Locke – United States Secretary of Commerce
Locke was appointed as secretary of Commerce from 2009 to 2011 during the Obama administration. Prior to holding this position, he was elected as the governor of Washington State in 1997. He was the first Chinese American governor in U.S. history and was the first Asian American governor in the continental U.S. During his time as governor and secretary of Commerce, he focused on education, employment, trade, health care and human rights. He later served as the 10th ambassador to China from 2011 to 2014.
Chris Lu – Deputy Secretary of Labor
Lu was confirmed as deputy secretary of Labor under President Barack Obama in 2014, making him the second Asian American to hold such a position in a Cabinet department. From 2009 to 2013, Lu was assistant to the president and the White House cabinet secretary. He also co-chaired the White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. Lu is currently the representative to the U.N. for management and reform.
Spark Matsunaga – Senator from Hawaii
Matsunaga was a Japanese American congressman and senator for Hawaii. Throughout his time in Congress, he advocated for the bill that led to the creation of the U.S. Institute for Peace, legislation that created the position for the United States Poet Laureate and a measure to address the discrimination faced by Japanese Americans during the World War II interment. He was a member of the House Rules Committee. Prior to his career in public service, Matsunaga was a member of the Hawaii National Guard and a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army during WWII.
Norman Mineta – Secretary of Commerce and Secretary of Transportation
Appointed by President Bill Clinton in 2000 to be secretary of Commerce, Mineta was the first Asian American and Pacific Islander to be appointed to a Cabinet position. He was later appointed in 2001 by George W. Bush to be secretary of Transportation and went on to serve in this position for the longest amount of time in the department’s history.
Patsy Mink – Representative from Hawaii
Mink began her career in the Hawaii State Senate before later winning her 1964 campaign for the newly created second position for Hawaii in the House of Representatives. This made her the first Asian-American woman to serve in Congress and the first woman of color elected to the House. of Representatives. Throughout her time in Congress, Mink focused on gender and racial equality, affordable childcare and Title IX.
Pat Saiki – Administrator of the Small Business Administration
President George H. W. Bush appointed Pat Saiki to be administrator of the Small Business Administration in 1991. In 1986, Saiki was the first Republican elected to represent Hawaii in the House since it gained statehood.
Eric Shinseki – Secretary of Veterans Affairs
Eric Shinseki was President Barack Obama’s choice for secretary of Veterans Affairs in 2009, making him the first Asian American to serve in that position. Previously, Shinseki had a long career in the military, where he served as the 34th Army chief of staff and was the first Asian American four-star general. He served two tours during the Vietnam War for which he was awarded three Bronze Star Medals for valor and two Purple Hearts.
This blog post was authored by Meredith Boldman, a communications intern at the Partnership for Public Service
The Senate confirmation process for executive branch nominees has become more difficult during the last 40 years.
President Joe Biden’s nominees have taken nearly three times longer to be confirmed during his first three years compared to the nominees in the George H.W. Bush administration.
Confirmation delays continued to grow under the Trump administration and have worsened further under Biden. Delays faced by Biden’s nominees in the first three years were 13% longer than Trump’s nominees.
Beyond confirmation times, presidents during the last 40 years have seen fewer and fewer of their nominees confirmed by the Senate. Through year three, Presidents Donald Trump and Biden each had approximately 150 fewer nominees confirmed compared to President Barack Obama and 250 to 300 fewer nominees confirmed compared to Presidents H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush.
The broken process leaves critical positions vacant for long periods of time, which is a disservice to the public in carrying out the fundamental roles of government, from national security to infrastructure to health and safety.
Using an analysis of our Political Appointee Tracker, we have been able to gain a clearer view of vacancy rates under the Biden and Trump administrations.
From our analysis of the state of vacancies in Cabinet Departments as of March 19th in the fourth year of the last two administrations, we found that:
Vacancies are widespread across Cabinet departments
As of March 19, 2024, 98 of 547 Cabinet department positions (18%) followed on our tracker were vacant in the Biden administration. At the same point in time, 157 of 526 Cabinet department positions (30%) followed on our tracker were vacant during the Trump administration.
Some Cabinet departments have alarmingly high rates of vacancies
Four Cabinet departments had 30% or more of their positions vacant as of March 19, 2024. At the equivalent date during Trump’s fourth year, nine Cabinet departments had 30% or more of their positions vacant. For both administrations, the Department of Homeland Security had the highest vacancy rate at 35% in the Biden administration and 65% in the Trump administration. The departments of Housing and Urban Development and Justice also have consistently had high rates of vacancies, totaling more than 30% across the last two administrations.
Note: Excludes U.S. attorneys and U.S. marshals
Many Cabinet positions have yet to be filled more than three years into last two administrations
As of March 19, 2024, 50 Cabinet positions (9%) had never been filled with a Senate confirmed appointee since the beginning of the Biden administration. At the same point in time, 66 Cabinet positions (13%) had never been filled with a Senate confirmed appointee since the beginning of the Trump administration. The Department of Justice has been particularly affected by this problem, with over 25% of Senate confirmed positions never having someone confirmed by the Senate through March 19 of the fourth year of the last two administrations.
Note: Excludes U.S. attorneys and U.S. marshals
Nineteen Cabinet positions were not filled by either the Trump or Biden administration by March 19 of their fourth year
Across the Trump and Biden administrations, there are 19 positions in common that remained vacant during the first three years of each administration. Four of these positions are the chief financial officers at the departments of Agriculture, Homeland Security, State and Treasury. The list also includes high-level positions like the director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Positions Not Filled by the Fourth Year of Each of the Last Two Administrations
Position
Agency
Chief financial officer
Department of Agriculture
Assistant secretary for civil rights
Department of Agriculture
Assistant secretary for communications and outreach
Department of Education
Assistant secretary for planning and evaluation
Department of Health and Human Services
Chief financial officer
Department of Homeland Security
Director, Immigration and Customs Enforcement
Department of Homeland Security
Assistant attorney general for the tax division
Department of Justice
Deputy administrator, Drug Enforcement Administration
Department of Justice
Commissioner, U.S. Parole Commission (2)
Department of Justice
Special counsel for immigration-related unfair employment practices
Department of Justice
Chairman, Foreign Claims Settlement Commission
Department of Justice
Chief financial officer
Department of State
Coordinator for threat reduction programs
Department of State
Ambassador, Bahamas
Department of State
Ambassador, Cuba
Department of State
Director, Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement
Department of the Interior
Special trustee for American Indians
Department of the Interior
Chief financial officer
Department of the Treasury
These findings highlight the challenges in filling certain key roles in government. Reform of the confirmation process is urgently needed, starting with a reduction in the number of appointments subject to Senate approval.
Chris Piper is a manager at the Center for Presidential Transition.
Keep satellites in orbit! Keep the lead out of the drinking water! Keep your cool, even though you have no idea, as a political appointee, whether you will have a job next year. This is the dilemma appointees face in an election year.
A political appointee’s job is always busy and never easy, especially in the lead up to a presidential election. An election may mean continued employment (if the incumbent wins) or a sudden date with the door (if the challenger prevails). Either way, uncertainty can create stress and campaign battles only serve to increase such anxiety.
Below is some advice, sourced from former officials, for political appointees about maintaining sanity and staff morale during the months ahead.
1. Deal fairly and honestly with the agency transition requirements.
Political appointees must model professionalism and good faith as they support efforts by career officials to prepare for a possible transition as required by law. Agencies must meet a series of transition requirements including preparing briefings and written materials. This will help ensure a smooth transition of power if there is a change of administration.
2. Collaborate with top leadership to plan for a potential second term.
At the same time, an incumbent administration should be preparing for a second term if victorious. Political appointees should fulfill any requests to support transition planning while continuing to do their jobs.
3. Prepare succession plans.
The start of a new presidential term triggers high turnover in political roles, even if an incumbent wins. Political leaders should direct agencies to prepare lines of succession and identify potential acting officials to be ready for any departures.
4. Identify high-performers and allow opportunities for advancement.
If the incumbent wins, election year turnover can create openings for top performers to advance within the political ranks. Top appointees should identify and offer opportunities for strong performers to stay during and after the transition period.
5. Communicate clearly with colleagues.
Given the external turmoil and election uncertainty, clear internal communication about continued expectations is essential for maintaining trust among employees.
6. Share success stories internally and externally.
Members of the civil service faces many challenges. Sharing stories of success can boost staff morale despite outside pressures.
7. Create or join a supportive community.
Participation in communities with those who have the same professional or personal identities can be an opportunity to share struggles and successes, and provide support across silos or lines of reporting. Affinity groups or professional convenings, such as those facilitated by the Partnership for Public Service, are great examples of these.
8. Take this opportunity to review and publicize leave and self-care benefits.
Appointees should create a culture that encourages their entire organization to make use of their vacation, sick leave and other benefits.
9. Show your people some love.
Small gestures can mean a lot. Political appointees should share invitations to White House gatherings when available such as the upcoming White House Easter Egg Roll or other administration events. This is also a great time to plan retreats for staff to bond, share strategies and refocus on their mission.
10. Show yourself some love.
Take a break from the news. Take a walk. Take a deep breath. The next few months may be difficult and stressful, so do what you need to get through it and support those around you.
By Dan Hyman, Troy Thomas and Catherine Manfre
With less than two weeks until Election Day, much of the nation’s attention is focused on the presidential campaigns. Behind-the-scenes, however, career civil servants are quietly preparing for a potential transition and a turnover of political appointees.
According to the federal transition law, agencies are required to complete three major tasks prior to Election Day:
Submit updated lists of politically-appointed positions to the Office of Personnel Management for compilation in the 2020 Plum Book.
Create a succession plan for senior leadership positions by September 15.
Compile agency briefing materials by November 1 to assist new administration officials or second-term leadership.
To date, more than 140 agencies have teams of career employees leading this transition work. Since May, the Office of Management and Budget and the General Services Administration have convened leaders from these teams to coordinate transition activities and facilitate the sharing of best practices.
Agencies have met the first two milestones and are working to complete their briefing materials by the November 1 deadline. In their simplest form, the briefing materials are like an “Agency 101” of the key facts, figures and issues. They enable new leadership to get up to speed quickly so they can hit the ground running.
Four tips to maximize the effectiveness of agency briefing materials
While federal law requires agency transition teams to “create briefing materials related to the presidential transition that may be requested by eligible candidates,” it does not specify what contents should be included. Based on guidance issued by OMB and GSA, as well as best practices from past transitions, the following tips will help agencies maximize the effectiveness of their briefing materials.
Tip one: Provide a baseline understanding of the agency
Recipients of briefing materials – whether they are transition review teams for an incoming first-term administration or newly appointed leadership for a second-term administration – will have varying degrees of familiarity with the agency prior to arriving. Some may have prior experience with the agency (though it is likely dated), while others could be experts in the policy area. These materials must provide readers with the agency’s full background and current context, including at a minimum:
Organizational charts that include key positions.
Recent budget history and a current budget proposal.
Top issues and challenges.
Congressional oversight committees and issues.
Impact of COVID-19 on the agency’s priorities and internal operations.
Tip two: Be succinct
Agencies should focus on the top issues and the most relevant data. Recipients of briefing materials are busy individuals who may not have time to read lengthy reports. Many agencies have begun streamlining information to make it more digestible. During the 2016-17 transition, the Department of Defense created a series of one- and two-page papers on the top five to 10 priority issues they believed were most important to newcomers.
Tip three: Include key insights
The best materials go beyond agency statistics and conventional issues to provide insights into the challenges and opportunities facing new leaders. During the 2016-17 transition, the FBI linked its bureau’s locations with a list of threats to national security. They also created a map pinned with color-coded offices according to the year they opened. The visual representation of the bureau’s newest locations generated conversations on where emerging threats were located.
Key insights should include:
The parts of the agency’s budget that have been most impacted by the pandemic.
Significant changes in workforce demographics, such as the retirement of baby boomers and the number of employees eligible for retirement.
The agency’s current top priorities.
Tip four: Take advantage of digital formats
Historically, the briefing materials have been produced as reports in thick binders. However, digital versions make it easier to distribute to the intended recipients, especially now when so many federal officials and transition leaders are working remotely.
Creating succinct, comprehensive and informative briefing materials is a federal agency transition team’s most significant task. To learn more about briefing materials and other aspects of the federal agency transition process, check out our 2020 Agency Transition Guide. For additional information on the transition process as a whole, see our 2020 Presidential Transition Guide and visit the Boston Consulting Group’s transition homepage.
Dan Hyman is a manager at Center for Presidential Transition. Troy Thomas is a partner and associate director of the Boston Consulting Group and Catherine Manfre is a principal of Boston Consulting Group.
Chief financial officers play an essential role in the stewardship of the federal government’s resources, guiding agency finances, strengthening the capability of the workforce, meeting customer needs and using new technologies to improve payment accuracy. As we approach the 30-year anniversary of the Chief Financial Officers Act of 1990, there have been continual improvements of financial management systems and audits, and greater use of technology and data to increase the government’s ability to make informed decisions.
While CFOs have played an essential part in these developments, challenges remain. The role of the CFO has not been updated since the 1990 legislation. Many agencies are still working to implement core elements of the statute, and several agencies remain out of compliance with the law’s technical requirements.
Another challenge has been the low priority given to CFOs by the Senate. One indication is the amount of time the Senate takes to confirm CFO appointees. For the nearly three-decades since the CFO law was enacted, the Senate has taken an average of 104.7 days to confirm CFOs. That is the third-longest average for any type of job within these agencies behind only inspectors general and members of various government boards.
A recent report produced by the Partnership for Public Service and Deloitte, “Finance of the Future,” made recommendations to modernize the role of CFO. One recommendation called for standardizing the position government-wide by delineating a common set of core responsibilities. This would enhance their ability to integrate and share information across agencies, transfer institutional knowledge and standardize functions.
Another recommendation called for improved continuity in CFO leadership. Currently, 15 of 24 federal CFOs are Senate-confirmed positions while the others are career positions. Congress should consider converting all CFO jobs to career positions or establishing the role as a fixed term with a performance contract. In that situation, CFOs would be expected to remain in office even with a change in administration.
Many of these recommendations are contained in a bipartisan bill proposed by Sens. Mike Enzi, R-Wyo. and Mark Warner, D-Va.
To meet the evolving needs of federal financial management, the Senate and agencies should make changes to better position CFOs to fulfill their obligations to the American people.
Agency review—the process of informing new administrations about the work of the federal government’s various departments—is a critical aspect of presidential transition planning. In this episode of Transition Lab, host David Marchick speaks to Lisa Brown, co-chair of agency review for the 2008 Obama-Biden transition team. Marchick and Brown discuss how this process works, why it is so important and the critical role played by career staff.
[tunein id=”t157435366″]
Read the highlights:
Marchick asked Brown why agency review is vital to presidential transitions.
Brown: “When [presidents] actually start governing on Inauguration Day, [agency review teams help ensure] they are ready to hit the ground running….The agency teams collect … critical information that the [president-elect] and his or her senior key advisors need to make strategic policy [as well as] budgetary and personnel decisions.…You don’t want gaps when one president leaves and another one comes in….You want to make sure that when the new [administration] comes in, they have the information they need to handle the crisis of the day.”
Marchick asked why career staff are so important to the agency review process.
Brown: “If you’ve ever worked in the government, you realize how critically important career employees are. They are in these agencies [and] they’re the ones who know how to get things done. You need them to be your friends. You need to be collaborating with them. The worst thing that you could do during agency review is to go in and alienate the career staff because you will find that it is much harder to get things done when you take office.”
Marchick asked how career staff tend to view agency review teams.
Brown: “I have found that career employees are professionals and they are accustomed to a change in political administration….They care about the mission of their agency. They care about the work that they’re doing. So they do want to partner with you to get that work done.”
Marchick asked Brown about her experience working with the Bush administration in 2008.
Brown: “President [George W.] Bush and his team in the White House really set the tone … for collaboration. They wanted to ensure that it was as seamless a transition as possible. This was after 9/11, so they had a real sense of responsibility to the country.”
Marchick asked Brown to discuss what she learned from spearheading agency reviews after the 2008 election.
Brown: “You need to anticipate demand for your work product quite early. The pre-election work that you do is vital….Post-election, you really do want to get people into the agencies very quickly so that you get that information fast to inform policy and to inform the personnel, particularly [during] confirmation hearings….Really think about how [to] best integrate policy teams with the agency review teams….I think you really want people [on the agency review teams] who are … familiar with the president-elect’s policies…..You [also] have to think about [creating] a structure with enough redundancy that your critical work continues … [even if] … somebody [takes on] a new role.”
Marchick asked Brown to describe how Joe Biden should handle the agency review process if he wins the election, but has an abbreviated transition.
Brown: “[A shorter post-election transition] puts a premium on engaging people who have worked in the government before. That is not to say that you don’t want fresh blood when you actually enter office on nomination day and after … You absolutely want a mix of new people and previous experience….Democrats have been out of power for not yet four years. There’s a lot of knowledge that people have that will still be relevant.”
By Christina Condreay and Alex Tippett
The winner of this November’s presidential election will face daunting challenges—a devastating pandemic, a major economic crisis, civil unrest stemming from racial inequality and a long list of pressing domestic and national security issues. These are momentous times that accentuate the need for presidential transition planning, whether it’s a first term for Democratic candidate Joseph Biden or a second term for President Donald Trump.
The COVID-19 pandemic and its fallout will impact presidential transition planning in four key areas:
Planning a budget and policy agenda.
Making priority appointments to top federal jobs.
Developing executive actions.
Creating the White House organizational structure.
Additionally, a first-term Biden administration will have to consider a fifth area–the preparation for “landing teams” that are deployed by incoming presidential administrations to review agencies operations and policies.
The president’s budget must balance the immediate needs stemming from the pandemic and the economic crisis along with the long-term policy agenda
The president’s budget is an important opportunity to signal the priorities of an administration, shape the congressional debate and shore up alliances.
In 2021, the president’s budget will come on the heels of congressional approval of several trillion dollars in stimulus spending in 2020 and will involve weighing trade-offs between the administration’s long-term policy agenda and the requirements dictated by the current crises. This will necessitate a high-stakes appraisal—the funding choices in this budget could shape the economic and political landscape for the next four years. Due to these challenges, work on the budget should begin early and be given greater attention and resources than in previous election cycles.
Chris Lu, the executive director of the President Barack Obama’s 2008-2009 transition, said the severe financial crisis occurring when Obama took office pushed many policy concerns “to the backburner.” Transition planners should develop the budget to highlight major policy goals for the year ahead even if the immediate crisis remains the top priority.
Staffing the government during a crisis requires focusing on both immediate needs and second-order issues
Presidents are responsible for appointing about 4,000 officials throughout the federal government. A new president must fill these positions from scratch while second-term presidents often face significant staff turnover. According to previous research by the Partnership for Public Service, the first year of a second term coincides with an average turnover rate of more than 40% for senior leadership positions. Both before and after the Nov. 3 election, it is critical for transition planners to focus on public health and economic policy appointees who will be responsible for overseeing the response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the sagging economy.
The specific priority positions will depend on how a new administration structures its response, while a second-term administration may take the opportunity to reshape its efforts. A Cabinet-led response will require the administration to prioritize agency leadership positions while a response driven by the White House will call for a different staffing structure. Transition planners should develop a clear picture of what the post-election COVID-19 response will look like and identify key personnel for this effort.
The pandemic also has created several second-order threats such as increased cybersecurity risks with a remote workforce as well as greater global instability. The next administration should recognize that successfully navigating the current crises will require filling positions without traditional “pandemic-response” roles in agencies throughout the government.
The pandemic also will create operational challenges for presidential appointees. Procedures will have to be developed for previously routine issues, ranging from how to conduct safe and secure briefings with new appointees to the best way to work with a potentially remote Senate. The challenger’s transition team will need to closely coordinate with the General Service Administration (GSA), which provides the transition with office space, IT equipment and other support.
According to Mary Gibert, the federal transition coordinator at GSA, the groundwork for a virtual transition, however, has already been laid. In the last transition, much of the work was already conducted virtually, with many of personnel choosing to work on GSA-provided devices rather than come into the office. “COVID has not impacted our transition planning,” Gibert says. “We haven’t missed a beat. We’ve kept up with all our statutory requirements.”
Those involved in overseeing a second Trump term will have to ensure the Office of Presidential Personnel can ramp up its efforts to meet an expected turnover of political appointees on top of a high level of current vacancies, and determine where it can improve operations and procedures to better deal with the challenges resulting from the pandemic.
Prioritizing key executive actions will advance policy goals
Executive
actions are one tool presidents can use to enact significant change–and do so
quickly. Effectively using executive orders for achieving policy goals may
be more challenging in 2021 because so much attention must be devoted to
dealing with the immediate crises. Transition planners for both first- and
fifth-year administrations should take time to develop executive orders and
anticipate potential operational and legal challenges well before Jan. 20.
First-year administrations face a two-pronged challenge. They must advance the new president’s agenda while evaluating previous executive actions and rules they want to change. This can be a huge undertaking even under normal conditions. Resource constraints created by the pandemic will make it difficult for a new administration to accomplish all its goals. An incoming administration should concentrate on the most critical subset of issues. Doing so will prevent it from spreading itself too thin and increase its chances of success. Historically, there has been a decline in the number of executive orders issued by a president during the fifth year in office compared with the first term. In interviews with the Partnership for Public Service, former senior White House officials suggested the focus on re-election often limits formal planning for a president’s fifth year. If an administration is facing both a crisis and a re-election campaign, as is the case today, developing fifth-year executive orders may well fall to the bottom of the agenda. Investing time and resources in planning an executive agenda now, however, may allow the president to start the fifth year more effectively and set a productive tone for the rest of their presidency.
The White House structure must be equipped to respond to the current and future crises
All presidents seek a White House
organizational structure that will lead to a smooth functioning operation and enable
them to achieve their key policy priorities. New administrations must create this
structure from scratch while a second-term administration has the opportunity
to reexamine its White House design and improve areas of weakness. Any such
redesign, however, will need to be attuned to the demands of the current crisis.
Different presidents have relied on a variety of organizational structures to address crises. During Harry Truman’s presidency, Congress created the National Security Council in 1947 to help the president coordinate national security policy. In 1993, President Bill Clinton created the National Economic Council by executive order to help coordinate the economic policy-making process and provide economic policy advice.
These entities centralized decision-making and the flow of information. Other presidents have relied on temporary arrangements such as President Obama’s appointment of an Ebola czar in 2014 to coordinate what was then the world’s biggest health threat. This type of temporary structure can be valuable but cannot provide the same institutional knowledge offered by a more permanent organization. Both first- and fifth-year administrations should use the transition period as an opportunity to evaluate the current pandemic response structure and determine if changes are needed. The next administration also should assess how to operate in a partial virtual work environment. A new administration should seek expert guidance and develop contingency plans while the current administration should identify problem areas that need to be resolved. Identifying and resolving these issues long before Inauguration Day will ensure a smooth start for a new administration or lead to improved conditions for a second term. Lessons could be learned from the agencies across government who are currently operating partially or totally virtually. Despite working virtually, agencies like the IRS and FEMA have managed to fulfill their normal mission requirements in addition to the new demands created by COVID-19. A new administration will have to demonstrate a similar level of agility.
A new administration must understand how agencies operate
A
new administration must have a thorough understanding of every federal agency’s
capabilities and responsibilities. To do this, presidential transition teams traditionally
create landing teams that enter agencies following the election and gather relevant
information. The roles of various agencies can change rapidly during a crisis. The
transition landing teams must flag challenges related to the pandemic so that
those issues can be evaluated and resolved.
Landing teams should also map the statutory landscape for each agency. Do agencies have emergency powers they are not taking advantage of? Are agencies exceeding the legal limits of their authority? An incoming administration must be aware of all these issues to mount an effective COVID-19 response. In addition, federal agencies must coordinate with one another, the private sector, state and municipal governments, and international partners during a crisis such as a pandemic. Landing teams should document these relationships so an incoming administration can take immediate control and identify potential pain points that need to be resolved.
Conclusion
Whether it’s a second Trump term or a first term for Biden, our
government must be prepared to tackle the pandemic and the nation’s economic problems
in addition to the challenges associated with any presidential transition. This
will require thorough transition planning that accounts for the uniqueness of
the current crises.
As our world becomes increasingly digital with new life-changing innovations on the way, federal agencies will need digital, technological and innovation expertise to provide Americans with necessary services. As the country experiences the widespread outbreak of COVID-19, virtual access to government services is proving more essential than ever.
The Partnership for Public Service and the Tech Talent Project released a new report today, “Tech Talent for 21st Century Government,” that focuses on how federal agencies can deliver strong policies and services to advance the country’s ability to innovate. The report highlights a subset of key presidentially appointed and senior-level positions critical for driving innovation in government and a need for leaders who understand the link between technology and organizational effectiveness. Any president planning his policy and management agenda must consider the potential to enhance government capabilities with new technologies.
Built on recommendations from dozens of current and former federal leaders across the political spectrum, the report identifies a subset of critical leadership positions across government and the responsibilities that come with them. The report:
Pinpoints a wide range of key presidentially appointed and other senior-level positions critical to the government’s ability to deliver strong policies and services, and to advancing our country’s ability to innovate.
Outlines the technology-related competencies and skills needed by leaders and their teams.
Surveys the technological landscape at five Cabinet-level departments, outlining their challenges, opportunities and key positions for driving tech innovation.
The White House and agency leaders must build technology-literate leadership teams that set policies for government modernization and provide support government-wide. Ultimately, modern technical expertise is as vital for leaders to have as economic, legal and financial expertise. if we are to create a well-functioning government that works for the people of the United States.
As a nonpartisan resource for transition teams, the Center for Presidential Transition gathers and organizes knowledge and resources for those planning transitions.
The following list of books, articles and reports offer a wealth of information related to transition planning that our team found useful in creating resources for transition teams.
The bibliography is divided into four sections. The first section is a list of recommended readings. The next three sections consist of additional materials divided by subject area: guides for transition teams, the history of transitions, and materials about the presidential nomination process.
Recommended Readings
Christopher Liddell, Daniel Kroese and Clark Campbell, “Romney Readiness Project 2012: Retrospective & Lessons Learned,” R2P Inc., 2013.
First-hand account and lessons learned from the Romney transition team
Congressional Research Service, “Presidential Transitions: Issues Involving Outgoing and Incoming Administrations,” RL34722, May 2017. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/38EmSwt
Overview of transition process prepared for members and committees of Congress
Ron Johnson and Tom Carper, “The Presidential Transition Act: A Framework for Continuity in Government,” Center for Presidential Transitions, March 2020. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2QmXftR
Letter regarding the most recent changes to the Presidential Transition Act
Martha J. Kumar, “Before the Oath: How George W. Bush and Barack Obama Managed a Transfer of Power,” Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015.
An account of the transition from Bush to Obama
Martha J. Kumar, “Getting Ready for Day One: Taking Advantage Of The Opportunities And Minimizing The Hazards Of A Presidential Transition,” Public Administration Review 68(4), July 2008, 603 – 617.
Article focused on how a president‐elect can minimize hazards and take advantage of opportunities transitions offer
National Academy of Public Administration with Ernst & Young, “A Survivor’s Guide for Presidential Nominees,” 2013. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2Q3nViU
Guide for navigating the nomination, clearance and Senate confirmation process
Partnership for Public
Service and The Boston Consulting Group, “Agency Transition
Series of podcasts featuring a behind-the-scenes look at presidential transitions
James P. Pfiffner, “The Strategic Presidency: Hitting The Ground Running,” University Press of Kansas, 1996.
History of presidential transitions from John F. Kennedy to Bill Clinton
Tevi Troy, “Measuring the Drapes,” National Affairs, Spring 2013. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2zlDIoh
History and lessons
learned from previous transitions
Additional Readings Organized by Subject
Transition Guides
MaryAnne Borrelli, Kathryn D. Tenpas and Lauren A. Wright, “Smoothing the Peaceful Transfer of Democratic Power: The Office of the First Lady,” The White House Transition Project, 2017. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2ICRu6R
John P. Burke, “The National Security Advisor and Staff: Transition Challenges,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 39(2), June 2009, 283 – 321.
Kurt M. Campbell and James B. Steinberg, “Difficult Transitions: Foreign Policy Troubles at the Outset of Presidential Power,” The Brookings Institution Press, 2008.
Congressional Research Service, “2012-2013 Presidential Election Period: National Congressional Research Service, “Presidential Transitions,” RL30736, April 2008. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2U3UjDl
Congressional Research Service, “Presidential Transition Act: Provisions and Funding,” RS22979, Oct. 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2W52xxJ
Congressional Research Service, “Senate Consideration of Presidential Nominations: Committee and Floor Procedure,” RL31980, April 2017. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2Q8bxye
The Council for Excellence in Government, “A Survivor’s Guide for Presidential Nominees,” Nov. 2000. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/2Q7TwA3
Stephen Hess, “What Do We Do Now?: A Workbook for the President-Elect,” The Brookings Institution, 2010.
John Hudak, “Appointments, Vacancies and Government IT: Reforming Personnel Data Systems,” Center for Effective Public Management at Brookings, June 2014. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/3aK2rzx
Clay Johnson, III, “Recommendations for an Effective 2008 Transition,” Public Administration Review 68(4), July 2008, 624 – 626.
Martha J. Kumar, “Rules Governing Presidential Transitions: Laws, Executive Orders, and Funding Provisions,” The White House Transition Project, 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2ICPOu3
Martha J. Kumar, George C. Edwards III, James P. Pfiffner, and Terry Sullivan, “The Contemporary Presidency: Meeting the Freight Train Head On: Planning for the Transition to Power.” Presidential Studies Quarterly 30(4), Dec. 2000, 754 – 769.
Martha J. Kumar and Terry Sullivan (eds.), “The White House World: Transitions, Organization, and Office Operations,” Texas A&M University Press, 2003.
Partnership for Public Service, “Effective Transition Planning Can
Help Presidents Have a Successful Year One and Year Five,” April 2020.
Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2LLtwYu
Partnership for Public Service, “Government Disservice: Overcoming Washington Dysfunction to Improve Congressional Stewardship of the Executive Branch,” Sept. 2015. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/39GCsJi
Partnership for Public Service, “Presidential Transition Act
Summary,” March 2020. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2zjsiRF
John Rollins, “2008-2009 Presidential Transition: National Security Considerations and Options,” Nova Science Publications, 2010.
U.S. Office of Government Ethics, “Transition Guide,” Aug. 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TLq19D
U.S. Office of Personnel Management, “Presidential Transition Guide to Federal Human Resources Management Matters: Election Year 2016,” Sept. 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/39KkRQx
U.S. Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, “Policy and Supporting Positions,” Dec. 1, 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TIGcnU
Harrison Wellford, “Preparing to Be President on Day One,” Public Administration Review 68(4), July 2008, 618 – 623.
History of Transitions
Carl M. Brauer, “Presidential Transitions: Eisenhower through Reagan,” Oxford University Press, 1986.
Heath Brown, “Lobbying the New President: Interests in Transition,” Routledge, 2012.
John P. Burke, “Becoming President: the Bush Transition, 2000-2003,” Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004.
John P. Burke, “The Contemporary Presidency: The Trump Transition, Early Presidency, and National Security Organization,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 47(3), Sept. 2017, 574 – 596.
John P. Burke, “‘It Went Off the Rails’: Trump’s Presidential Transition and the National Security System,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 48(4), Nov. 2018, 832 – 844.
John P. Burke, “Lessons from Past Presidential Transitions: Organization, Management, and Decision Making,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 31(1), March 2001, 5 – 24.
John P. Burke, “The Obama Presidential Transition: An Early Assessment,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 39(3), July 2009, 574 – 604.
John P. Burke, “Presidential Transitions: From Politics to Practice,” Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000.
John L. Helgerson, “Getting to Know the President: Intelligence Briefings of Presidential Candidates and Presidents-Elect 1952-2012,” Center for the Study of Intelligence, 2012. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TtQdEZ
Amnon Cavari, Richard J. Powell and Kenneth R. Mayer (eds.), “The 2016 Presidential Election: The Causes and Consequences of a Political Earthquake,” Lexington Books, 2017.
Chris Christie, “Let Me Finish: Trump, the Kushners, Bannon, New Jersey, and the Power of In-Your-Face Politics,” Hachette Books, 2019.
Stuart Eizenstat, “President Carter: The White House Years,” Thomas Dunne Books, 2018.
Stuart Eizenstat, “Stuart Eizenstat Oral History,” Miller Center, Jan. 1982. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3cQnvq4
Anthony J. Eksterowicz and Glenn P. Hastedt, “The George W. Bush Presidential Transition: The Disconnect Between Politics and Policy,” White House Studies 5(1), Winter 2005, 79 – 93.
Jody Freeman, “The Limits of Executive Power: The Obama–Trump Transition,” Nebraska Law Review 96(3), 2017, 545 – 576.
Stephen Hess and Kathryn D. Tenpas, “The Contemporary Presidency: The Bush White House: First Appraisals,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 32(3), Sept. 2002, 577 – 585.
Laurin L. Henry, “Presidential Transitions,” The Brookings Institution, 1960.
E. Pendleton James, “Ronald Reagan Oral History Project: Interview with E. Pendleton James,” Miller Center, Nov. 2003. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/39Lpjyv
Clay Johnson, “The 2000-01 Presidential Transition: Planning, Goals and Reality,” PS: Political Science & Politics 35(1), March 2002, 51 – 53. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/339mvc0
Charles O. Jones, “Passages to the Presidency: From Campaigning to Governing,” Brookings Institution Press, 1998.
Charles O. Jones (ed.), “Preparing to Be President: The Memos of Richard E. Neustadt,” AEI Press, 2000.
James D. King and James W. Riddlesperger, Jr., “The 2016-2017 Transition into the Donald J. Trump Administration,” in “The 2016 Presidential Election: The Causes and Consequences of a Political Earthquake,” Lexington Books, 2017, 161 – 184.
James D. King and James W. Riddlesperger, Jr., “The Trump Transition: Beginning a Distinctive Presidency,” Social Science Quarterly 99(5), Sept. 2018, 1821 – 1836.
Martha J. Kumar, “The 2008 – 2009 Presidential Transition Through the Voices of Its Participants,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 39(4), Dec. 2009, 823 – 858.
Martha J. Kumar, “The 2008 National Security Council Transition: Providing Continuity in a Bipartisan Environment,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 43(3), July 2013, 490 – 522.
Martha J. Kumar, “The Contemporary Presidency Energy or Chaos? Turnover at the Top of President Trump’s White House,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 49(1), March 2019, 219 – 236.
Martha J. Kumar, “Recruiting and Organizing the White House Staff,” PS: Political Science and Politics 35(1), Feb. 2002, 35 – 40.
David E. Lewis, Patrick Bernhard and Emily You, “President Trump as Manager: Reflections on the First Year,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 48(3), Sept. 2018, 480 – 501. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2w1qYkK
Michael Lewis, “The Fifth Risk: Undoing Democracy,” W.W. Norton & Company, 2018.
Edwin Meese III, “Reagan: The Inside Story,” Simon and Schuster, 2015.
Miller Center, “Pitfalls. Peril. Prosperity. Miller Center Offers Insights for the Next President’s Crucial First Year,” May 2016. Retrieved from https://at.virginia.edu/2vXM03T
Miller Center, “Tales of transitions past,” Sept. 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/39EwBEa
National Archives, “Reagan Administration Transition Interviews,” 1999. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3cPXSWf
Jack Nelson and Robert J. Donovan, “The Education of a President: After six months of quiet success and loud failure, Bill Clinton talks about the frustrating process of figuring out his job,” Los Angeles Times, Aug. 1, 1993. Retrieved from https://lat.ms/33ahgsr
Michael Nelson, “2013 and Beyond: Barack Obama and the Perils of Second-Term Presidents,” in “The Elections of 2012,” CQ Press, 2014. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3aNZw9a
Michael Nelson, Jeffrey L. Chidester and Stefanie Georgakis Abbott (eds.), “Crucible: The President’s First Year,” University of Virginia Press, Jan. 2018.
Anne J. O’Connell, “Acting leaders: recent practices, consequences, and reforms,” The Brookings Institution, July 2019. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/3d0vXTI
Anne
Joseph O’Connell, “Actings,” Columbia Law Review 120(3), April 2020, 613 – 728.
Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2YEMw2L
Anne J. O’Connell, “Staffing federal agencies: Lessons from 1981 – 2016,” The Brookings Institution, April 2017. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/2IGxU9T
Ashley Parker, “Campaigning Aside, Team Plans a Romney Presidency,” New York Times, Aug. 16, 2012. Retrieved from https://nyti.ms/38BFIUU
Eric Rauchway, “Winter War: Hoover, Roosevelt,
and the First Clash Over the New Deal,” Basic Books, Nov. 2018
David Rubenstein, “David Rubenstein Oral History, Deputy Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy,” Miller Center, March 1982. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3d0vtNo
Richard Skinner, “9/11 improved presidential transitions,” Vox, Oct. 10, 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/39NdCr6
Richard Skinner, “Bill Clinton set a bad example with his transition,” Vox, Oct. 7, 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TUUCjG
Richard Skinner, “How the presidential transition process has evolved over time,” Vox, Oct. 3, 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2W3vHgt
Richard Skinner, “Jimmy Carter changed presidential transitions forever,” Vox, Oct. 5, 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TIJiIL
Alan Taylor, “Peaceful Transfer,” Miller Center, July 2016. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2U0RQcP
Kathryn D. Tenpas, “Tracking turnover in the Trump administration,” The Brookings Institution, May 2020. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/2wKzJzZ
Jack H. Watson, Jr., “Jack H. Watson, Jr. Oral History,” Miller Center, April 1981. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2W5f5F2
Appointment Process for Presidential Nominees
William A. Galston and E.J. Dionne, Jr., “A Half-Empty Government Can’t Govern: Why Everyone Wants to Fix the Appointment Process, Why It Never Happens, and How We Can Get It Done,” The Brookings Institution, Dec. 2010. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/2Q7hZ8O
Stephen Hess, “First Impressions: Presidents, Appointments, and the Transition,” in “Innocent Until Nominated: The Breakdown of the Presidential Appointments Process,” The Brookings Institution Press, 2001, 107 – 159.
Glen S. Krutz, Richard Fleisher, and Jon R. Bond, “From Abe Fortas to Zoe Baird: Why Some Presidential Nominations Fail in the Senate,” American Political Science Review 92(4), Dec. 1998, 871 – 881.
Paul C. Light, “Back to the Future on Presidential Appointments,” Duke Law Journal 64(8), May 2015, 1499 – 1512.
Paul C. Light, “Recommendations Forestalled or Forgotten? The National Commission on the Public Service and Presidential Appointments,” Public Administration Review 67(3), June 2007, 408 – 417.
Paul C. Light and Virginia Thomas, “The Merit and Reputation of an Administration: Presidential Appointees on the Appointments Process,” The Brookings Institution and The Heritage Foundation, April 2000. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/33bJrHE
Paul C. Light and Virginia Thomas, “Posts of Honor: How America’s Corporate and Civic Leaders View Presidential Appointments,” The Brookings Institution, Jan. 2001. Retrieved from https://brook.gs/39GZ4sY
Burdett Loomis, “The Senate: An ‘Obstacle Course’ for Executive Appointments?” in “Innocent Until Nominated: The Breakdown of the Presidential Appointments Process,” The Brookings Institution Press, 2001, 160 – 172.
G. Calvin Mackenzie (ed.), “Innocent Until Nominated: The Breakdown of the Political Appointment Process,” The Brookings Institution Press, 2011.
G. Calvin Mackenzie, “The Real Invisible Hand: Presidential Appointees in the Administration of George W. Bush,” PS: Political Science & Politics 35(1), March 2002, 27 – 30.
National Academy of Public Administration, “Leadership in Jeopardy, The Fraying of the Presidential Appointments System,” Nov. 1985. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TSaLXa
Anne J. O’Connell, “Shortening Agency and Judicial Vacancies Through Filibuster Reform? An Examination of Confirmation Rates and Delays from 1981 to 2014,” Duke Law Journal 64(8), May 2015, 1645 – 1715.
Anne J. O’Connell, “Waiting for Leadership: President Obama’s Record in Staffing Key Agency Positions and How to Improve the Appointments Process,” Center for American Progress, April 2010. Retrieved from https://ampr.gs/39KtpXx
James P. Pfiffner, “Presidential Appointments: Recruiting Executive Branch Leaders.” in “Innocent Until Nominated: The Breakdown of the Presidential Appointments Process,” The Brookings Institution Press, 2001, 50 – 80.
Terry Sullivan, “A Guide to Inquiry: Executive Questionnaires,” The White House 2001 Project, Nov. 2000. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2vUN2xJ
Terry Sullivan, “Passing Through the Maelstrom: The Inquiry of Presidential Nominees and Reform, 2001-2012,” Feb. 2014. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2TIJo2S
Terry Sullivan, “Reducing the Adversarial Burden on Presidential Appointees: Feasible Strategies for Fixing the Presidential Appointments Process,” Public Administration Review 69(6), Oct. 2009, 1124 – 1135.
Working Group on Streamlining Paperwork for Executive Nominations, Executive Branch, “Streamlining the Background Investigation Process for Executive Nominations – Report to the President and the Chairs and Ranking Members of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs and the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration,” Nov. 2012. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/2ICVXq9
